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Monday, August 6, 2018

What You need to know about High Value Health Care

Endless Forms Most Beautiful: Evolving Toward Higher-Value Care:

How Providence St Joseph Health devised a Value-Oriented Architecture to guide physician practice. Rather than blaming "good doctors" or "bad doctors" they have developed a method for simultaneously measuring cost and outcomes and "drilling down" into the specific practices that drive variation.

In health care, variation is the state of nature. Despite efforts to introduce protocols, care pathways, order sets, checklists, and standardized quality measures, providers vary in their practice to a remarkable degree. Differences in outcomes and cost of care are visible when comparing countriesgeographical regionshospitals within a single city, and providers in the same practice. Some of this variation is doubtless benign. In other cases, it contributes to poor outcomes. And sometimes, perhaps frequently, it results in waste — greater cost without better outcomes.

Selective Pressure On Practice

The situation that healthcare practitioners find ourselves in might be described with an evolutionary analogy. In nature, random mutations in DNA sequences create genotypic variation, which results in phenotypic variation (observable differences in species). In the presence of selective pressure, some phenotypes propagate their genes more successfully than others. In medical practice, “genotypes” are the many individual decisions that constitute a provider’s method of practice, such as the selection of a medication, a surgical approach, a communication style. “Phenotypes” are the cost and clinical outcomes of care. Controlling for patient differences, it is variation in these many elements of practice (genotype) that drives differences in cost and outcomes (phenotype). Contemporary health care is characterized by abundant variation in practice and very little selective pressure to weed out those that don’t add value. Over a century and a half of modern medicine, a great variety of practices have developed, largely in the absence of forces that reward practices leading to good outcomes and low cost.
Times are changing. Governments, consumer groups, and patient safety organizations are advocating for more transparency in the outcomes of care, though the metrics generally promoted by such groups encompass only a small fraction of the outcomes desired by patients when seeking care. Perhaps more importantly, health care has become increasingly unaffordable, resulting in downward pressure on reimbursement to providers. Hospitals are especially affected, experiencing negative margins on once-lucrative procedures. Health care administrators, having negotiated the best rates they can on supplies, and having cut labor costs as much as they feel possible, are left with an uncomfortable reality. If their hospitals are to succeed, they will need to address a much more challenging source of cost: physician practice. This may not be an accurate analogy to the variabilty in health care outcomes. Genotype and phenotype are only relative to the DNA coding in cells.


Administrators want physicians to lower cost. Physicians want to optimize patient outcomes. While these conversations can go badly, they also have the potential to result in something very good — the selective pressure that health care has long lacked.”

Good Doctors, Bad Doctors — A False Dichotomy

At Providence St. Joseph Health, the third-largest nonprofit health system in America, with 24,000 physicians in seven states, we have developed a method for simultaneously measuring cost and outcomes and “drilling down” into the specific practices that drive variation. We refer to this as a Value-Oriented Architecture (VOA). The ability to drill down is essential. Consider the example of cost and outcomes variation for total knee replacements. Figure 1a is a Value Plot, displaying what our evolutionary analogy would call phenotypic variation. Each circle represents the performance of one high-volume orthopedic surgeon for primary elective unilateral knee replacement. The y-axis represents average direct cost per case (plotted in reverse order so that lower costs are higher on the graph); the x-axis is a composite outcome score (better scores are further to the right). Circles in the right upper quadrant thus seem to represent “high-value” practitioners.
At this summary level of analysis, where in the past our conversation may have ended, there is a tendency to overinterpret the results. Misleadingly, the graphic makes us think of “good doctors” and “bad doctors,” and suggests that the best solution might be to pick out “bad doctors” for remediation or removal. While that might be possible, it would be a very incomplete solution to the problem of health care waste. A more productive activity is to dive deeper and identify the drivers of variation.


Figure 1b simplifies the view by displaying only the cost dimension of total knee replacements. A different story emerges when cost is exploded into its primary component parts: implants, OR/anesthesia time, pharmacy room and board, and supplies. Figure 1c plots each individual as a ratio of his or her costs within each of those categories to the system average (marks above 1 indicate higher than average costs; marks below 1 indicate lower than average). A “good doctor” in this view would be someone with low costs in all categories. Figure 1d shows that while such physicians exist, they are rare. So are “bad doctors” — providers with high costs across the board. In fact, nearly all surgeons display “crossover” in this graph; that is, their cost is relatively high in some categories and relatively low in others.
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This phenomenon becomes even clearer as we move more deeply into the data. Figure 1d seems to indicate that within the category of pharmaceuticals, some physicians are high cost and other are low cost. However, even that distinction hides important variation. Figure 1e is a deeper view of pharmacy cost. Here, overall pharmacy costs are broken into subcategories that group similar agents together: in this case, analgesic and anesthetic agents and hematological agents (overall, the two largest pharmaceutical cost drivers in total knee replacement). The y-axis again expresses each surgeon’s cost as a ratio to the system average. Again, we see that some physicians cross over between categories — that is, they are low cost in some things and high cost in others. With respect to cost, “good practice” and “bad practice” often exist within the same doctors.

Everyone Has Something To Learn

Underneath the pharmaceutical agent categories lies the genotypic view. Figure 1f shows the breakdown of costs for one pharmaceutical subcategory, hematological agents. Here we discover that the use of Tisseel, a branded fibrin sealant, and tranexamic acid, an agent used to control blood loss, are the underlying practice variants. These practice differences are driving variation in hematological cost, which in turn contributes to variation in pharmaceutical cost and eventually to overall cost.
For each clinical area that we have explored using VOA, there are many small differences in practice like this one, which together have a large cumulative impact on cost. For example, Table 1 shows that for total knee replacements, the cost per case of a hypothetical surgeon whose practice consisted only of the most cost-effective practice variations is 35% lower than the system average. Today, Providence St. Joseph’s most cost-effective provider is 20% lower than the system average, meaning that even he has opportunity for improvement.

Endless Forms Most Beautiful - Evolving Toward Higher-Value Care Table 1 - Cumulative Impact of Genotypic Practice Variation - Primary Unilateral Total Knee Arthroplasty - Value-Oriented Architecture VOA
Table 1. Click To Enlarge.

The work of uncovering the specific elements of practice that drive cost differences has been illuminating and at times surprising. We have uncovered many examples of administrative quirks (“I have no idea how that got into my preference card”); cost ignorance (“This costs how much?”); misleading information (“The rep told me this was cheap”); and a (more......


Endless Forms Most Beautiful: Evolving Toward Higher-Value Care:

Friday, August 3, 2018

California settlement a big win for medical staff independence |

 In a ground breaking and precedent setting case, a July court settlement regarding California’s Tulare Regional Medical Center (TRMC) marks a resounding win for medical staff self-governance. The settlement reinstates—with all of its rights, privileges, and status—the organized medical staff that was fired and replaced, and the hospital has agreed to pay $300,000 for the TRMC medical staff’s legal expenses.

The case is a major legal milestone for the nation as a whole. Hospital administration and medical staff governance are often a loggerheads about many issues.  Ultimately the board of trustees approves or disapproves major issues when presented by either group, because they are the fiduciary representatives.

Some background information.

Medical staff organizations are typically free-standing organizations with their own bylaws and regulations.  This allows the physicians to act independently from hospitals and their owners allowing them to make independent decisions directing quality of care for patients.  This provides a direct route from physicians to patients when there are disputes with hospital management.

Such a conflict arose at Tulare Regional Medical Center, a Tulare County District Hospital, several years ago.

The suit was filed after the hospital’s board of directors voted Jan. 26, 2016, to terminate the medical staff organization, remove elected medical staff officers, install a slate of appointed officers and approve new medical staff bylaws and rules without staff input.

At the time, CMA legal counsel and litigation director Long Do said the case represented “an existential threat to independent hospital medical staffs.”
The hospital eventually filed for bankruptcy and closed its doors. None of the current members of the hospital’s board of directors were members of its board during the events that were in dispute.

In the settlement, TRMC has agreed to:
  • Not recognize the replacement staff, its leaders or bylaws.
  • Reinstate the original medical staff, its duly-elected officers, with all the privileges, rights and status that existed before the Jan. 26, 2016 termination.
  • Reinstate the pre-existing medical staff bylaws, rules, and policies.
  • Pay $300,000 for the TRMC medical staff’s attorneys’ fees and costs.
  • Waive all rights to appeal or challenge the settlement’s validity.
Milestone Event:  HCCA out of Tulare Regional Medical Center


The hospital is now seeking a new operator and financing to reopen it's doors. The medical staff must now be reconstituted.

The effect on the community was devastating.  


The AMA and the Litigation Center provided significant legal and financial support for the medical staff lawsuit.



California settlement a big win for medical staff independence | AMA Wire:


Sunday, July 29, 2018

Physicians Reporting Patients Actually Being Treated for Trump Derangment Syndrome

Fake News ?  The Western Journal reports an increase in Washinton D.C. of fear of the world coming to an end. fueled by  Donald Trump's chaotic leadership style.



Therapists are noticing a sharp increase in patients describing symptoms of what has been called 'Trump Derangement Syndrome.'

“There is a fear of the world ending,” DC Counseling and Psychotherapy Center founder, Elisabeth LaMotte, said.  

LaMotte described an uptick in her patients describing what the right refers to as “Trump Derangement Syndrome,” CBC reported Saturday.

She refers to it as a "collective anxiety" among patients who feel on edge about how potentially dire the president's decisions could be.

"There is a fear of the world ending," she said. "It's very disorienting and constantly unsettling."  Urban Dictionary defines Trump Derangement Syndrome as “a mental condition in which a person has been driven effectively insane due to their dislike of Donald Trump, to the point at which they will abandon all logic and reason.”
Clinical psychologist Jennifer Panning calls it “Trump Anxiety Disorder” because “symptoms were specific to the election of Trump and the resultant unpredictable sociopolitical climate.”


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LaMotte added that she’s treated some Trump supporters as well, mostly because friends and families have alienated them for publicly supporting the president.

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

Donation to RIP Medical Debt helps Kansas City residents | The Kansas City Star

The Midwest Direct Primary Care Alliance donated $11,000 to buy $1.47 million of medical debt on behalf of the 784 people who owe it. Most of them live in the Kansas City metro.



If you get a gold-colored envelope in the mail from a place called “RIP Medical Debt,” don’t throw it away. It’s not junk mail, it’s good news: A group of Kansas City-area doctors has paid your medical bills.
The Midwest Direct Primary Care Alliance announced Monday that it donated about $11,000 to buy $1.47 million worth of medical debt on behalf of 784 patients in Kansas and Missouri.
Allison Edwards, who owns Kansas City Direct Primary Care in Kansas City, Kan., said the doctors don’t know who got their bills paid “and it doesn’t really matter, frankly.”
“In our society, we’ve decided that health care is a commodity and we’re going to have to pay for it in some way or another, and until that changes, we’re going to have to figure out a way to help people,” Edwards said.
The alliance is a group of 21 medical clinics where the doctors don’t take health insurance and instead charge patients a monthly membership fee. Many of the patients are in high-deductible plans, and Edwards said they’re constantly on the lookout for the best prices on things like tests and procedures.
Edwards said 19 doctors and nurse practitioners who work at 15 of the alliance’s clinics in and around Kansas City pooled their money and donated it to RIP Medical Debt, a nonprofit based in New York that has been featured on the HBO comedy talk show “Last Week Tonight” with John Oliver.
The charity, founded by two former collections industry employees, used the money to buy bundles of unpaid bills from collections agencies and medical providers. They were able to buy them for pennies on the dollar because the debt was 2 or 3 years old.
RIP Medical Debt focuses its efforts on military members and veterans, as well as low-income patients. To qualify, patients must make less than twice the federal poverty limit, have medical debts that outstrip their assets or have medical debts that are more than 5 percent of their annual income.
The organization strongly encourages consumers to keep the letter that arrives in the golden envelope.
“That debt forgiveness letter is your proof the debt has been abolished and is no longer collectable by anyone,” its website says.
Edwards said the idea to donate to RIP Medical Debt came from Ryan Neuhofel, a direct primary care doctor in Lawrence, and he was inspired by the John Oliver segment as well as The Star’s coverage of medical debt.
A story The Star published in June cited an Urban Institute study that showed that in some parts of the Kansas City metro area, about 30 percent of families have medical debt in collections.
“The amount of medical debt that exists within the metro is astounding,” Edwards said. “So it’s a small thing we did, relatively speaking. It sounds big, but there’s millions of dollars in debt, hundreds of millions, within the Kansas City metro area alone that’s just sitting there asking to be paid, and it’s not going to (be paid).”
RIP Medical Debt buys mostly bundled portfolios of medical debt, but it is hoping in the future to help donors pay debts for targeted individuals. Those interested in potentially getting their debts paid can sign up on a private registry on the organization’s website.








Donation to RIP Medical Debt helps Kansas City residents | The Kansas City Star:

Is July a month to avoid University or Teaching Hospitals.



July, that time of year can be a dangerous place for you to be hospitalized at a university or teaching hospital.  Statistics revealed a higher incidence of complications which may be attributed to inexperienced trainees at the beginning of their years of training. 



This study was designed to investigate the relationship between the clinical experience of resident physicians and quality of care. This investigation was done by examining the month of the year when patients were treated by resident physicians and a comprehensive set of quality indicators. Quality of care was assessed by a severity-weighted index of adverse events consisting of 47 quality indicators that were screened from 28,541 medical records during a 12-month period. 

Hospital-wide results indicate that there was no overall relationship between the house officers experience and severity-adjusted adverse events, with the exception of one surgical department that had a higher index of adverse events in the first part of the academic year. Although this study finds no support for a "July Phenomenon" in terms of quality of clinical care, house officers were found to be more likely to have poor documentation practices earlier in the academic year. This may no longer be true since the use of electronic health records has been implemented.

Office of Clinical Outcome Assessment and Quality Management, Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, Division of General Internal Medicine, Department of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania Medical Center, and the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Dr.Shulkin was nominated as Secretary of Veteran's Affairs in the Trump Administration

This article was published in 1995, and may not accurately portray events in 2017.  
American Journal of Medical Quality, vol. 10, 1: pp. 14-17. First Published Mar 1, 1995.

The July Phenomenon Revisited: Are Hospital Complications Associated with New House Staff? - David J. Shulkin, 1995: